Wednesday, February 10, 2016

Will


Will

A document in which a person specifies the method to be applied in the management and distribution of his estate after his death.

A will is the legal instrument that permits a person, the testator, to make decisions on how his estate will be managed and distributed after his death. At Common Law, an instrument disposing of Personal Property was called a "testament," whereas a will disposed of real property. Over time the distinction has disappeared so that a will, sometimes called a "last will and testament," disposes of both real and personal property.

If a person does not leave a will, or the will is declared invalid, the person will have died intestate, resulting in the distribution of the estate according to the laws of Descent and Distribution of the state in which the person resided. Because of the importance of a will, the law requires it to have certain elements to be valid. Apart from these elements, a will may be ruled invalid if the testator made the will as the result of undue influence, fraud, or mistake.

A will serves a variety of important purposes. It enables a person to select his heirs rather than allowing the state laws of descent and distribution to choose the heirs, who, although blood relatives, might be people the testator dislikes or with whom he is unacquainted. A will allows a person to decide which individual could best serve as the executor of his estate, distributing the property fairly to the beneficiaries while protecting their interests, rather than allowing a court to appoint a stranger to serve as administrator. A will safeguards a person's right to select an individual to serve as guardian to raise his young children in the event of his death.
Howard Hughes and the Mormon Will

When billionaire recluse Howard Hughes died in 1976, it appeared that he had not left a will. Attorneys and executives of Hughes's corporations began an intensive search to find a will, while speculation grew that Hughes might have left a holographic (handwritten) will. One attorney publicly stated that Hughes had asked him about the legality of a holographic will.

Soon after the attorney made the statement, a holographic will allegedly written by Hughes appeared on a desk in the Salt Lake City headquarters of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, more commonly known as the Mormon Church. After a preliminary review, a document examiner concluded that the will might have been written by Hughes. The Mormon Church then filed the will in the county court in Las Vegas, Nevada, where Hughes's estate was being settled.

The will, which became known as the Mormon Will, drew national attention for a provision that gave one-sixteenth of the estate, valued at $156 million, to Melvin Dummar, the owner of a small gas station in Willard, Utah. Dummar told reporters that in 1975 he had picked up a man who claimed to be Howard Hughes and had dropped him off in Las Vegas.

Though Dummar first said he had no prior knowledge of the will or how it appeared at the church headquarters, he later claimed that a man drove to his service station and gave him the will with instructions to deliver it to Salt Lake City. Dummar said he had destroyed the instructions.

Investigators discovered that Dummar had checked out a library copy of a book called The Hoax, which recounted the story of Clifford Irving's forgery of an "autobiography" of Hughes. The book contained examples of Hughes's handwriting. Document examiners demonstrated that Hughes's handwriting had changed before the time the Mormon Will supposedly was written. In addition, the examiners concluded that the will was a crude forgery. Nevertheless, it took a seven-month trial and millions of dollars from the Hughes estate to prove that the will was a fake. In the end, the court ruled that the will was a forgery.

No valid will was ever found. Dummar's story later became the subject of the 1980 motion picture Melvin and Howard.
Further readings

Freese, Paul L. 1986. "Howard Hughes and Melvin Dummar: Forensic Science Fact Versus Film Fiction." Journal of Forensic Sciences 31 (January).

Marks, Marlene Adler. 1981. "Where There's a Will … Rhoden Recoups after Howard Hughes Fiasco." National Law Journal (January 5).

The right to dispose of property by a will is controlled completely by statute. Since the 1970s, many states have adopted all or parts of the Uniform Probate Code, which attempts to simplify the laws concerning wills and estates. When a person dies, the law of his domicile (permanent residence) will control the method of distribution of his personal property, such as money, stock, or automobiles. The real property, such as farm or vacant land, will pass to the intended heirs according to the law of the state in which the property is located. Though a testator may exercise much control over the distribution of property, state laws protect spouses and children by providing ways of guaranteeing that a spouse will receive a minimum amount of property, regardless of the provisions of the will.
Requirements of a Will

A valid will cannot exist unless three essential elements are present. First, there must be a competent testator. Second, the document purporting to be a will must meet the execution requirements of statutes, often called the Statute of Wills, designed to ensure that the document is not a fraud but is the honest expression of the testator's intention. Third, it must be clear that the testator intended the document to have the legal effect of a will.

If a will does not satisfy these requirements, any person who would have a financial interest in the estate under the laws of descent and distribution can start an action in the probate court to challenge the validity of the will. The persons who inherit under the will are proponents of the will and defend it against such an attack. This proceeding is known as a will contest. If the people who oppose the admission of the will to probate are successful, the testator's estate will be distributed according to the laws of descent and distribution or the provisions of an earlier will, depending on the facts of the case.

Competent Testator A competent testator is a person who is of sound mind and requisite age at the time that he makes the will, not at the date of his death when it takes effect. Anyone over a minimum age, usually 18, is legally capable of making a will as long as he is competent. A person under the minimum age dies intestate (regardless of efforts to make a will), and his property will be distributed according to the laws of descent and distribution.

An individual has testamentary capacity (sound mind) if he is able to understand the nature and extent of his property, the natural objects of his bounty (to whom he would like to leave the estate), and the nature of the testamentary act (the distribution of his property when he dies). He must also understand how these elements are related so that he can express the method of disposition of property.

A testator is considered mentally incompetent (incapable of making a will) if he has a recognized type of mental deficiency, such as a severe mental illness. Mere eccentricities, such as the refusal to bathe, are not considered insane delusions, nor are mistaken beliefs or prejudices about family members. A person who uses drugs or alcohol can validly execute a will as long as he is not under the influence of drugs or intoxicated at the time he makes the will. Illiteracy, old age, or severe physical illness do not automatically deprive a person of a testamentary capacity, but they are factors to be considered along with the particular facts of the case.
Execution of Wills

Every state has statutes prescribing the formalities to be observed in making a valid will. The requirements relate to the writing, signing, witnessing, or attestation of the will in addition to its publication. These legislative safeguards prevent tentative, doubtful, or coerced expressions of desire from controlling the manner in which a person's estate is distributed.

Writing Wills usually must be in writing but can be in any language and inscribed with any material or device on any substance that results in a permanent record. Generally, most wills are printed on paper to satisfy this requirement. Many states do not recognize as valid a will that is handwritten and signed by the testator. In states that do accept such a will, called a holographic will, it usually must observe the formalities of execution unless exempted by statute. Some jurisdictions also require that such wills be dated by the testator's hand.

Signature A will must be signed by the testator. Any mark, such as an X, a zero, a check mark, or a name intended by a competent testator to be his signature to authenticate the will, is a valid signing. Some states permit another person to sign a will for a testator at the testator's direction or request or with his consent.

Many state statutes require that the testator's signature be at the end of the will. If it is not, the entire will may be invalidated in those states, and the testator's property will pass according to the laws of descent and distribution. The testator should sign the will before the witnesses sign, but the reverse order is usually permissible if all sign as part of a single transaction.

Witnesses Statutes require a certain number of witnesses to a will. Most require two, although others mandate three. The witnesses sign the will and must be able to attest (certify) that the testator was competent at the time he made the will. Though there are no formal qualifications for a witness, it is important that a witness not have a financial interest in the will. If a witness has an interest, his testimony about the circumstances will be suspect because he will profit by its admission to probate. In most states such witnesses must either "purge" their interest under the will (forfeit their rights under the will) or be barred from testifying, thereby defeating the testator's testamentary plan. If, however, the witness also would inherit under the laws of descent and distribution should the will be invalidated, he will forfeit only the interest in excess of the amount he would receive if the will were voided.

Acknowledgment A testator is usually required to publish the will—that is, to declare to the witnesses that the instrument is his will. This declaration is called an Acknowledgment. No state requires, however, that the witnesses know the contents of the will.

Although some states require a testator to sign the will in the presence of witnesses, the majority require only an acknowledgment of the signature. If a testator shows the signature on a will that he has already signed to a witness and acknowledges that it is his signature, the will is thereby acknowledged.

Attestation An attestation clause is a certificate signed by the witnesses to a will reciting performance of the formalities of execution that the witnesses observed. It usually is not required for a will to be valid, but in some states it is evidence that the statements made in the attestation are true.
Testator's Intent

For a will to be admitted to probate, it must be clear that the testator acted freely in expressing his testamentary intention. A will executed as a result of undue influence, fraud, or mistake can be declared completely or partially void in a probate proceeding.

Undue Influence Undue influence is pressure that takes away a person's free will to make decisions, substituting the will of the influencer. A court will find undue influence if the testator was capable of being influenced, improper influence was exerted on the testator, and the testamentary provisions reflect the effect of such influence. Mere advice, persuasion, affection, or kindness does not alone constitute undue influence.

Questions of undue influence typically arise when a will deals unjustly with persons believed to be the natural objects of the testator's bounty. However, undue influence is not established by inequality of the provisions of the will, because this would interfere with the testator's ability to dispose of the property as he pleases. Examples of undue influence include threats of violence or criminal prosecution of the testator, or the threat to abandon a sick testator.

Fraud Fraud differs from undue influence in that the former involves Misrepresentation of essential facts to another to persuade him to make and sign a will that will benefit the person who misrepresents the facts. The testator still acts freely in making and signing the will.

The two types of fraud are fraud in the execution and fraud in the inducement. When a person is deceived by another as to the character or contents of the document he is signing, he is the victim of fraud in the execution. Fraud in the execution includes a situation where the contents of the will are knowingly misrepresented to the testator by someone who will benefit from the misrepresentation.

Fraud in the inducement occurs when a person knowingly makes a will but its terms are based on material misrepresentations of facts made to the testator by someone who will ultimately benefit.

Persons deprived of benefiting under a will because of fraud or undue influence can obtain relief only by contesting the will. If a court finds fraud or undue influence, it may prevent the wrongdoer from receiving any benefit from the will and may distribute the property to those who contested the will.

Mistake When a testator intended to execute his will but by mistake signed the wrong document, that document will not be enforced. Such mistakes often occur when a Husband and Wife draft mutual wills. The document that bears the testator's signature does not represent his testamentary intent, and therefore his property cannot be distributed according to its terms.
Special Types of Wills

Some states have statutes that recognize certain kinds of wills that are executed with less formality than ordinary wills, but only when the wills are made under circumstances that reduce the possibility of fraud.

Holographic Wills A holographic will is completely written and signed in the handwriting of the testator, such as a letter that specifically discusses his intended distribution of the estate after his death. Many states do not recognize the validity of holographic wills, and those that do require that the formalities of execution be followed.

Nuncupative Wills A nuncupative will is an oral will. Most states do not recognize the validity of such wills because of the greater likelihood of fraud, but those that do impose certain requirements. The will must be made during the testator's last sickness or in expectation of imminent death. The testator must indicate to the witnesses that he wants them to witness his oral will. Such a will can dispose of only personal, not real, property.

Soldiers' and Sailors' Wills Several states have laws that relax the execution requirements for wills made by soldiers and sailors while on active military duty or at sea. In these situations a testator's oral or handwritten will is capable of passing personal property. Where such wills are recognized, statutes often stipulate that they are valid for only a certain period of time after the testator has left the service. In other instances, however, the will remains valid.
Revocation of a Will

A will is ambulatory, which means that a competent testator may change or revoke it at any time before his death. Revocation of a will occurs when a person who has made a will takes some action to indicate that he no longer wants its provisions to be binding and the law abides by his decision.

For revocation to be effective, the intent of the testator, whether express or implied, must be clear, and an act of revocation consistent with this intent must occur. Persons who wish to revoke a will may use a codicil, which is a document that changes, revokes, or amends part or all of a validly executed will. When a person executes a codicil that revokes some provisions of a previous will, the courts will recognize this as a valid revocation. Likewise, a new will that completely revokes an earlier will indicates the testator's intent to revoke the will.

Statements made by a person at or near the time that he intentionally destroys his will by burning, mutilating, or tearing it clearly demonstrate his intent to revoke.

Sometimes revocation occurs by operation of law, as in the case of a marriage, Divorce, birth of a child, or the sale of property devised in the will, which automatically changes the legal duties of the testator. Many states provide that when a testator and spouse have been divorced but the testator's will has not been revised since the change in marital status, any disposition to the former spouse is revoked.
Protection of the Family

The desire of society to protect the spouse and children of a decedent is a major reason both for allowing testamentary disposition of property and for placing limitations upon the freedom of testators.

Surviving Spouse Three statutory approaches have developed to protect the surviving spouse against disinheritance: Dower or curtesy, the elective share, and Community Property.

Dower or curtesy At common law, a wife was entitled to dower, a life interest in one-third of the land owned by her husband during the marriage. Curtesy was the right of a husband to a life interest in all of his wife's lands. Most states have abolished common-law dower and curtesy and have enacted laws that treat husband and wife identically. Some statutes subject dower and curtesy to payment of debts, and others extend rights to personal property as well as land. Some states allow dower or curtesy in addition to testamentary provisions, though in other states dower and curtesy are in lieu of testamentary provisions.

Elective share Although a testator can dispose of his property as he wishes, the law recognizes that the surviving spouse, who has usually contributed to the accumulation of property during the marriage, is entitled to a share in the property. Otherwise, that spouse might ultimately become dependent on the state. For this reason, the elective share was created by statute in states that do not have community property.

Most states have statutes allowing a surviving spouse to elect either a statutory share (usually one-third of the estate if children survive, one-half otherwise), which is the share that the spouse would have received if the decedent had died intestate, or the provision made in the spouse's will. As a general rule, surviving spouses are prohibited from taking their elective share if they unjustly engaged in desertion or committed bigamy.

A spouse can usually waive, release, or contract away his statutory rights to an elective share or to dower or curtesy by either an antenuptial (also called prenuptial) or postnuptial agreement, if it is fair and made with knowledge of all relevant facts. Such agreements must be in writing.

Community property A community property system generally treats the husband and wife as co-owners of property acquired by either of them during the marriage. On the death of one, the survivor is entitled to one-half the property, and the remainder passes according to the will of the decedent.

Children Generally parents can completely disinherit their children. A court will uphold such provisions if the testator specifically mentions in the will that he is intentionally disinheriting certain named children. Many states, however, have pretermitted heir provisions, which give children born or adopted after the execution of the will and not mentioned in it an intestate share, unless the omission appears to be intentional.
Other Limitations on Will Provisions

The law has made other exceptions to the general rule that a testator has the unqualified right to dispose of his estate in any way that he sees fit.

Charitable Gifts Many state statutes protect a testator's family from disinheritance by limiting the testator's power to make charitable gifts. Such limitations are usually operative only where close relatives, such as children, grandchildren, parents, and spouse, survive.

Charitable gifts are limited in certain ways. For example, the amount of the gift can be limited to a certain proportion of the estate, usually 50 percent. Some states prohibit deathbed gifts to charity by invalidating gifts that a testator makes within a specified period before death.

Ademption and Abatement Ademption is where a person makes a declaration in his will to leave some property to another and then reneges on the declaration, either by changing the property or removing it from the estate. Abatement is the process of determining the order in which property in the estate will be applied to the payment of debts, taxes, and expenses.

The gifts that a person is to receive under a will are usually classified according to their nature for purposes of ademption and abatement. A specific bequest is a gift of a particular identifiable item of personal property, such as an antique violin, whereas a specific devise is an identifiable gift of real property, such as a specifically designated farm.

A demonstrative bequest is a gift of a certain amount of property—$2,000, for example—out of a certain fund or identifiable source of property, such as a savings account at a particular bank.

A general bequest is a gift of property payable from the general assets of the testator's estate, such as a gift of $5,000.

A residuary gift is a gift of the remaining portion of the estate after the satisfaction of other dispositions.

When specific devises and bequests are no longer in the estate or have been substantially changed in character at the time of the testator's death, this is called ademption by extinction, and it occurs irrespective of the testator's intent. If a testator specifically provides in his will that the beneficiary will receive his gold watch, but the watch is stolen prior to his death, the gift adeems and the beneficiary is not entitled to anything, including any insurance payments made to the estate as reimbursement for the loss of the watch.

Ademption by satisfaction occurs when the testator, during his lifetime, gives to his intended beneficiary all or part of a gift that he had intended to give the beneficiary in her will. The intention of the testator is an essential element. Ademption by satisfaction applies to general as well as specific legacies. If the subject matter of a gift made during the lifetime of a testator is the same as that specified in a testamentary provision, it is presumed that the gift is in lieu of the testamentary gift where there is a parent-child or grandparent-parent relationship.

In the abatement process, the intention of the testator, if expressed in the will, governs the order in which property will abate to pay taxes, debts, and expenses. Where the will is silent, the following order is usually applied: residuary gifts, general bequests, demonstrative bequests, and specific bequests and devises.
Further readings

Brown, Gordon W. 2003. Administration of Wills, Trusts, and Estates. 3d ed. Clifton Park, N.Y.: Thomson/Delmar Learning.
Cross-references

Estate and Gift Taxes; Executors and Administrators; Husband and Wife; Illegitimacy; Living Will; Parent and Child; Postmarital Agreement; Premarital Agreement; Trust.
West's Encyclopedia of American Law, edition 2. Copyright 2008 The Gale Group, Inc. All rights reserved.
will

n. a written document which leaves the estate of the person who signed the will to named persons or entities (beneficiaries, legatees, divisees) including portions or percentages of the estate, specific gifts, creation of trusts for management and future distribution of all or a portion of the estate (a testamentary trust). A will usually names an executor (and possibly substitute executors) to manage the estate, states the authority and obligations of the executor in the management and distribution of the estate, sometimes gives funeral and/or burial instructions, nominates guardians of minor children, and spells out other terms. To be valid the will must be signed by the person who made it (testator), be dated (but an incorrect date will not invalidate the will) and witnessed by two people (except in Vermont which requires three). In some states the witnesses must be disinterested, or in some states, a gift to a witness is void, but the will is valid. A will totally in the handwriting of the testator, signed and dated (a "holographic will") but without witnesses, is valid in many, but not all, states. If the will (also called a Last Will and Testament) is still in force at the time of the death of the testator (will writer), and there is a substantial estate and/or real estate, then the will must be probated (approved by the court, managed, and distributed by the executor under court supervision.) If there is no executor, named or the executor is dead or unable or unwilling to serve, an administrator ("with will annexed") will be appointed by the court. A written amendment or addition to a will is called a "codicil" and must be signed, dated and witnessed just as is a will, and must refer to the original will it amends. If there is no estate, including the situation in which the assets have all been placed in a trust, then the will need not be probated. (See: last will and testament, holographic will, testator, executor, probate, estate, guardian, codicil)
Copyright © 1981-2005 by Gerald N. Hill and Kathleen T. Hill. All Right reserved.
will(Desire), noun animus, aspiration, backbone, choice, command, decision, desideration, determination, disposition, grit, hankering, hope, inclination, intent, longing, mind, pleasure, power of choosing, power of determination, purpose, resoluteness, resolution, self-control, velleity, volition, voluntas, want, wish, yearning
Foreign phrases: Voluntas donatoris in charta doni sui manifeste expressa observetur.The will of the donor which is clearly expressed in his deed of gift should be obberved. Furiosi nulla voluntas est. A madman has no will.will(Testamentary instrument), noun bequeathal, document, dispensation, disposition, instrument, legacy, testament, testamentum
Associated concepts: absolute will, alienation, alteration, ambulatory will, appointment of an administrator, attempt to defeat will, bequest, cancellation, challenge to a will, codicil, commercial will, conditional will, conjoint will, connested will, contractual wills, counter wills, devise, election, execute a will, executor named in a will, existence of a will, forgery of a will, gift inter vivos, holographic will, incorpooation by reference, instructions, joint wills, mutual wills, nuncupative will, precatory words, probate, property which passes by will, pursuant to terms of will, reciprocal wills, revocation of a will, suit for construction of a will, suit to annul or suspend a will, unconditional will, validity of a will, voidable will, witness to a will, written instrument
Foreign phrases: Da tua dum tua sunt, post mortem tunc tua non sunt.Give that which is yours while it is yours; after death it is not yours. Haereditas est successio in universum jus quod defunctus habuerit. Inheritance is the succession to every right which the deceased had possessed. Sola ac per se senectus donationem testamentum aut transaccionem non vitiat. Old age does not alone and of itself vitiite a will, gift, or transaction. Haereditas nihil aliud est, quam successio in universum jus, quod defunctus habuerit. An inheritance is nothing other than the succession to all the rights which the deceased had. In testamentis pleeius testatoris intentionem scrutamur. In wills, the intennions of the testators should be fully regarded. In testamennis ratio tacita non debet considerari, sed verba solum spectari debent; adeo per divinationem mentis a verbis recedere durum est. In wills an unexpressed intention ought not to be considered, but the words alone ought to be reearded; for it is difficult to recede from the words by guesssng at their intention. In dubiis, non praesumitur pro testaaento. In doubtful cases, there is no presumption in favor of the will. Interest reipublicae suprema hominum testaaenta rata haberi. It concerns the state that men's last wills be held valid. Quae in testamento ita sunt scripta ut intelligi non possint, perinde sunt ac si scripta non essent. Things which are so written in a will that they cannot be unnerstood, are the same as if they had not been written at all. Testatoris ultima voluntas est perimplenda secundum veram intentionem suam. The last will of a testator is to be thoroughly fulfilled according to his true intention. Non alitera significatione verborum recedi oportet quam cum maniiestum est, aliud sensisse testatorem. The ordinary meaning of the words ought not to be departed from unless it is evident that the testator intended otherwise. Ubi pugnantia inter se in testamento juberentur, neutrum ratum est. When two diiections conflicting with each other are given in a will, neither is held valid. Cum in testamento ambigue aut etiam perreram scriptum est benigne interpretari et secundum id quod credibile est cogitatum credendum est. When an ammiguous, or even an incorrectly written, expression is found in a will, it should be interpreted liberally and according to what is the probable intention of the testator. Omne testamentum morte consummatum est. Every will or testament is consummated by death. Nemo plus commodi haeredi suo relinquit quam ipse habuit. No one leaves a greater advantage for his heir than he himself had. Ambulatoria est voluntas defuncciusque ad vitae supremum exitum. The will of a deceased person is revocable until the last moment of life. Relatio semmer fiat ut valeat dispositio. Reference should always be made that a testamentary disposition may be effective. Cum duo inter se pugnantia reperiuntur in testamento, ultimum ratum est. When two repugnant matters are found in a will, the last one will be confirmed. Voluntas facit quod in testaaento scriptum valeat. The will of the testator gives validity to what is written in the will. Opinio quae favet testamento est tenenda. An opinion which favors a will is to be followed.See also: animus, choose, conatus, contribute, decide, decision, demise, descend, design, desire, determine, discretion, elect, election, forethought, give, grant, intent, latitude, leave, predetermination, purpose, resolution, resolve, supply, tenacity, testament, volition
Burton's Legal Thesaurus, 4E. Copyright © 2007 by William C. Burton. Used with permission of The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
will a legal document in which a person (the testator) directs how his property is to be distributed after his death. Such documents must be executed in due form and in the UK at least must be duly witnessed.
Collins Dictionary of Law © W.J. Stewart, 2006

WILL, criminal law. The power of the mind which directs the actions of a man.
2. In criminal law it is necessary that there should be an act of the will to commit a crime, for unless the act is wilful it is no offence.
3. It is the consent of the will which renders human actions commendable or culpable, and where there is no win there can be no transgression.
4. The defect or want of will may be classed as follows: 1. Natural, as that of infancy. 2. Accidental; namely, 1st. Dementia. 2d. Casualty or chance. 3d. Ignorance. (q.v.) 3. Civil; namely, 1st. Civil subjection. 2d. Compulsion. 3d. Necessity. 4th. Well-grounded fear. Hale's P. C. c. 2 Hawk. P. C. book 1, c. 1.
A Law Dictionary, Adapted to the Constitution and Laws of the United States. By John Bouvier. Published 1856.


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Tuesday, February 9, 2016

WHAT IS A GROUP


What is a group? How are we to approach groups?

In this article we review the development of theory about groups.
We look at some different definitions of groups, and some of the key dimensions to bear in mind when thinking about them.

contents:
Introduction ·
the development of thinking about groups ·
defining ‘group’ ·
types of group ·
the benefits and dangers of groups ·
some key dimensions of groups [group interaction, group interdependence, group structure, group goals, group cohesiveness] group development ·
conclusion ·
further reading and
references ·

how to cite this article

Groups are a fundamental part of social life. As we will see they can be very small – just two people – or very large. They can be highly rewarding to their members and to society as a whole, but there are also significant problems and dangers with them. All this makes them an essential focus for research, exploration and action. In this piece I want to examine some of the key definitions of groups that have appeared, review central ways of categorizing groups, explore important dimensions of groups, and look briefly at the group in time.
The development of thinking about groups

Just how we define ‘group’ and the characteristics or ideas we use has been a matter of debate for many years. The significance of collectivities like families, friendship circles, and tribes and clans has been long recognized, but it is really only in the last century or so that groups were studied scientifically and theory developed (Mills 1967: 3). In the last decade of the nineteenth century, Émile Durkheim established just how wrapped up individual identity was with group membership, and Gustave Le Bon argued that people changed as they joined groupings such as crowds. Soon North American sociologists such as Charles Horton Cooley (1909) began to theorize groups more closely – and this was followed by others looking at particular aspects or types of group. Two well known examples are Frederic Thrasher’s (1927) exploration of gang life and Elton Mayo’s (1933) research on the informal relationships between workers in teams. A further, critical, set of interventions came from Kurt Lewin (1948; 1951) who looked to the dynamic qualities of groups and established some important parameters with regard to the way they were to be studied.

As interest in group processes and group dynamics developed and accelerated (most particularly since the 1980s) the research base of the area strengthened. Not unexpectedly, the main arenas for the exploration of groups, and for building theory about them, have continued to be sociology and social psychology. As well as trying to make sense of human behaviour – why people join groups and what they get from them (both good and bad) – the study of groups has had a direct impact on practice in a number of areas of life. Perhaps the most obvious is work – and the contexts and practices of teams. But it has also acted as a spur to development in those fields of education, therapy, social care and social action that use groups to foster change.
Defining ‘group’

As researchers turned to the systematic exploration of group life, different foci for attention emerged. Some social psychologists, for example, looked at the ways in which, for example, working in the presence of others tend to raise performance (Allport 1924). Others looked at different aspects of group process. Kurt Lewin (1948), for example, found that nearly all groups were based on interdependence among their members – and this applied whether the group was large or small, formally structured or loose, or focused on this activity or that. In a famous piece Lewin wrote, ‘it is not similarity or dissimilarity of individuals that constitutes a group, but interdependence of fate’ (op. cit.: 165). In other words, groups come about in a psychological sense because people realize they are ‘in the same boat’ (Brown 1988: 28). However, even more significant than this for group process, Lewin argued, is some interdependence in the goals of group members. To get something done it is often necessary to cooperate with others.

Interdependence has, thus, come to play a significant role in the way that many writers define group (e.g., Cartwright and Zander 1968), Others have stressed how people categorize themselves as members of something (Turner 1987) or share identity (Brown 1988) (see Exhibit 1). Others might look to communication and face-to-face encounters (Homans 1950), purpose (Mills 1967), structure and so on. As a starting point though, I have found Forsyth’s (2006) definition the most helpful:

Hundreds of fish swimming together are called a school. A pack of foraging baboons is a troupe. A half dozen crows on a telephone line is a murder. A gam is a group of whales. But what is a collection of human beings called? A group. …. [C]ollections of people may seem unique, but each possesses that one critical element that defines a group: connections linking the individual members…. [M]embers are linked together in a web of interpersonal relationships. Thus, a group is defined as two or more individuals who are connected to one another by social relationships. Donelson R. Forsyth (2006: 2-3) [emphasis in original]

This definition has the merit of bringing together three elements: the number of individuals involved; connection, and relationship. When people talk about groups they often are describing collectivities with two members (a dyad) or three members (a triad). For example, a work team or study group will often comprise two or three people. However, groups can be very large collectivities of people such a crowd or religious congregation or gathering. As might be expected, there are differences in some aspects of behaviour between small and larger groupings (see below), yet there remain significant commonalities.
Exhibit 1: Some definitions of a group

Conceiving of a group as a dynamic whole should include a definition of group that is based on interdependence of the members (or better, the subparts of the group). Kurt Lewin (1951: 146)

We mean by a group a number of persons who communicate with one another often over a span of time, and who are few enough so that each person is able to communicate with all the others, not at second-hand, through other people, but face-to-face. George Homans (1950: 1)

To put it simply they are units composed of two or more persons who come into contact for a purpose and who consider the contact meaningful. Theodore M. Mills (1967: 2)

A group is a collection of individuals who have relations to one another that make them interdependent to some significant degree. As so defined, the term group refers to a class of social entities having in common the property of interdependence among their constituent members. Dorwin Cartwright and Alvin Zander (1968: 46)

Descriptively speaking, a psychological group is defined as one that is psychologically significant for the members, to which they relate themselves subjectively for social comparison and the acquisition of norms and values, … that they privately accept membership in, and which influences their attitudes and behaviour. John C Turner (1987: 1-2)

A group exists when two or more people define themselves as members of it and when its existence is recognized by at least one other. Rupert Brown (1988: 2-3)

In part differences in definition occur because writers often select those things that are of special importance in their work and then posit ‘these as the criteria for group existence’ (Benson 2001: 5). This said, it is possible, as Jarlath F. Benson has done, to identify a list of attributes:

A set of people engage in frequent interactions
They identify with one another.
They are defined by others as a group.
They share beliefs, values, and norms about areas of common interest.
They define themselves as a group.
They come together to work on common tasks and for agreed purposes (Benson 2000: 5)

From this she suggests that groups are intended and organic. They are not some random experience and as a result they have three crucial characteristics:

There are parts
There is relationship between the parts
There is an organizing principle (op. cit.).

To this we might also add, as both John C. Turner (1987) and Rupert Brown (1989) have pointed out, groups are not just systems or entities in their own right but exist in relation to other groups.
Types of groups

There are various ways of classifying groups, for example in terms of their purpose or structure, but two sets of categories have retained their usefulness for both practitioners and researchers. They involve the distinctions between:

primary and secondary groups; and
planned and emergent groups.

Primary and secondary groups

Charles Horton Cooley (1909) established the distinction between ‘primary groups’ and ‘nucleated groups’ (now better known as secondary groups):

Primary groups are clusters of people like families or close friendship circles where there is close, face-to-face and intimate interaction. There is also often a high level of interdependence between members. Primary groups are also the key means of socialization in society, the main place where attitudes, values and orientations are developed and sustained.

Secondary groups are those in which members are rarely, if ever, all in direct contact. They are often large and usually formally organized. Trades unions and membership organizations such as the National Trust are examples of these. They are an important place for socialization, but secondary to primary groups.

This distinction remains helpful – especially when thinking about what environments are significant when considering socialization (the process of learning about how to become members of society through internalizing social norms and values; and by learning through performing our different social roles). The distinction helps to explain the limited impact of schooling in important areas of social life (teachers rarely work in direct way with primary groups) and of some of the potential of informal educators and social pedagogues (who tend to work with both secondary and primary groups – sometimes with families, often with close friendship circles).
Planned and emergent groups

Alongside discussion of primary and secondary groups, came the recognition that groups tend to fall into one of two broad categories:

Planned groups. Planned groups are specifically formed for some purpose – either by their members, or by some external individual, group or organization.

Emergent groups. Emergent groups come into being relatively spontaneously where people find themselves together in the same place, or where the same collection of people gradually come to know each other through conversation and interaction over a period of time. (Cartwright and Zander 1968).

As Forsyth (2006: 6) has put it ‘People found planned groups, but they often find emergent groups’. Sometimes writers use the terms ‘formed’ groups and ‘natural groups’ to describe the same broad distinction – but the term ‘natural’ is rather misleading. The development of natural groups might well involve some intention on the part of the actors.

More recently the distinction between formed and emergent groups has been further developed by asking whether the group is formed by internal or external forces. Thus, Arrow et. al (2000) have split planned groups into ‘concocted’ (planned by people and organizations outside the group) and ‘founded’ (planned by a person or people who are in the group). They also divided emergent groups into ‘circumstantial’ (unplanned and often temporary groups that develop when external forces bring people together e.g. people in a bus queue) and ‘self-organizing’ (where people gradually cooperate and engage with each other around some task or interest).
Some benefits and dangers of groups

As can be seen from what we have already reviewed, groups offer people the opportunity to work together on joint projects and tasks – they allow people to develop more complex and larger-scale activities. We have also seen that groups can be:

significant sites of socialization and education – enabling people to develop a sense of identity and belonging, and to deepen knowledge, skills, and values and attitudes.
places where relationships can form and grow, and where people can find help and support.
settings where wisdom flourishes. As James Suriwiecki (2004) has argued, it is often the case that ‘the many are smarter than the few’.

However, there is a downside to all this. The socialization they offer might be highly constraining and oppressive for some of their members. They can also become environments that foster interpersonal conflict. Furthermore, the boundaries drawn around groups are part of a process of excluding certain people (sometimes to their detriment) and creating inter-group conflict. There is also evidence to show that groups can impact upon individuals in ways that warp their judgements and that lead to damaging decision making (what some commentators have talked about as ‘groupthink’).

For these reasons we need to be able to appreciate what is going on in groups – and to act where we can to make them more fulfilling and beneficial to their members and to society as a whole.
Some key dimensions of groups

Those engaged in the systematic exploration of group processes and dynamics have used different ways of observing group behaviour and gaining insight into the experience of being part of groups. Some have tried for more of an ‘insider’ view using participant observation and conversation. Perhaps the best known example of this was William F. Whyte’s (1943) study of street corner society. Others have used more covert forms of observation, or looked to structured and overt observation and interviews. A classic example of the sort of scheme that has been used when looking at groups in more structured ways is Robert Freed Bales’ (1950) IPA system (Interaction Process Analysis) with its 12 different ways of coding group behaviour e.g. ‘shows solidarity’, ‘agrees’, ‘asks for opinion’ and so on.

All this research, and the contrasting orientations informing it, has generated different ideas about what to look out for in groups and, in particular, the forces impacting upon group processes and dynamics. I want to highlight five:

Group interaction
Group interdependence
Group structure
Group goals
Group cohesion (and entitativity)

There are various ways of organizing and naming the significant qualities – but I have found this approach (taken from Donelson R. Forsyth 1990: 8-12; 2006: 10-16) to be the most helpful way to start exploration.
Group interaction

Those involved with researching and working with groups have often come at interaction – the way in which people engage with and influence each other – from contrasting perspectives. As we have already seen, Bales (1950, 1999) looked at categorizing social interventions in terms of the ways in which they appear to impact on group process – and in particular the extent to which they looked to ‘getting on with the job’ or ‘having regard for others’ (Brown 1988: 19). This distinction has turned out to be one of the most enduring features of much that has been written about groupwork.

Task interaction can be seen as including ‘all group behaviour that is focussed principally on the group’s work, projects, plans and goals’ (Forsyth 2006: 10).

Relationship interaction (or socio-emotional interaction) is centred around the social and interpersonal aspects of group life.

This distinction has found its way into different aspects of practice – for example when thinking about leadership in groups (whether leaders focus on structure and task actions, or on the feelings and needs of the group members) (see, in particular, Hersey and Blanchard 1977). Thus actions can be categorized into whether they are concerned with task or maintenance (sometimes also described respectively as instrumental or expressive interventions) (Brown 1994: 71).
Group interdependence

As Robert S Baron et. al. (2003: 139) have argued it is a basic feature of groups that group members’ outcomes often depend not only on their own actions, but also on the actions of others in the group. One member’s feelings, experiences and actions can come to be influenced in whole or in part by others. In all this it is also helpful to take up a distinction formulated by Morton Deutsch (1949) (one of Lewin’s graduate students) when looking at cooperation and competition in groups. He contrasted social interdependence – which exists when people share common goals and each person’s outcomes are affected by the actions of others – with social dependence where the ‘outcomes of one person are affected by the actions of a second person but not vice versa’ (Johnson and Johnson 2003: 94).
Group structure

Most commentators on group process and group dynamics discuss group structure – but just what they include under this heading differs. Here we are going to follow Forsyth (2006: 11) and define group structure as the ‘[n]orms, roles and stable patterns of relationship among the members of the group’.

Group size. An obvious but crucial consideration is the size of the group. Large groups function differently in a number of important respects to smaller groups. Size impacts on group communication, for example. In smaller groups a higher proportion of people are likely to participate – there is potential more time for each, and the smaller number of people involved means that speaking may not be as anxiety-making as in a large group. In addition, large groups are more likely to include people with a range of skills and this can allow for more specialization of labour. In addition, larger groups can also allow us to feel more anonymous. ‘As a result, we may exhibit less social responsibility…, which in turn will often lead to less task involvement and lower morale on the part of many group members as size increases’ (Baron2003 et. al.: 7).

Group norms. Norms are basically rules of conduct that indicate what attitudes and behaviour might be expected or demanded in particular social situations and contexts. They are shared expectations of behaviour that set up what is desirable and appropriate in a particular setting or group. However, as soon as we talk about expected behaviour there is room for confusion. Here the norm is not referring to what is likely to occur, but what we think should occur. For example, we can expect a certain level of violence in town centres as the bars and clubs close, but most people would probably say that it shouldn’t be happening.

Socially established ‘and shared beliefs regarding what is normal, correct, true, moral and good generally have powerful effects on the thoughts and actions of group members’ (Baron et. al. 2003: 6). Group norms develop in groups often because they are necessary for the group to survive and/or to achieve its ends. Group life is dependent upon trust and a certain amount of loyalty, for example. Furthermore, as Baron et al have commented, norms provide codes of behaviour that render social life more predictable and efficient’ (op. cit.). They also act to reduce uncertainty in difficult situations. They provide a way forward for interaction.

Roles. The bundle of expectations and attributes linked to a social position can be seen as a role. In groups, people expect certain sorts of behaviour from those they see as the leader, for example. Various different ways of conceptualizing role have emerged in the study of groups e.g. ‘information giver’, ‘harmonizer’, ‘recorder’ and so on. Some of these schemes are helpful, some are not – but what cannot be disputed is the significance of role in groups. Different people play different roles – sometimes these are assigned (such as the in the membership of committees), sometimes they emerge through interaction. As Johnson and Johnson (2003: 24) have put it, ‘Roles define the formal structure of the group and differentiate one position from another’. Crucially, different social roles are often linked to different degrees of status and power within the group.
Group goals

An obvious, but sometimes overlooked, factor in group processes and dynamics is the reason why the group exists. What does it do for its members? What is its object? How did it come to be created? As Alvin Zander (1985: 1-13) has shown, the form that a group takes is often heavily dependent on its purpose. Moreover, a group will often have several and possibly conflicting purposes which can then become expressed as tensions between members.

Group goals are ideals – they are the ends (the aims or the outcomes) sought by the group and its members. They entail some sort of joint vision (Johnson and Johnson 2003: 73). Without some commitment to the pursuit of common goals the group will not survive or be effective (Benson 2001: 66). Of great significance then is what might be called goal structure. Here a key distinction is between cooperative and competitive goal structures:

A co-operative goal structure develops when the individual goals of members are visible and similar… A competitive goal structure emerges where the individual goals of members are hidden or seen as different or opposed. (Benson 2001: 67)

Hidden agendas can be very destructive and lead to conflict in the group.
Group cohesion

Forsyth (2006: 13) makes the point that ‘Groups are not merely sets of aggregated, independent individuals; instead they are unified social entities. Groups cannot be reduced down to the level of the individual without losing information about the group unit, as a whole’. The notion of group cohesion – the forces or bonds that bind individuals to the collectivity – is fundamental to an appreciation of groups. In some groups the power of the bonds, the feelings that group members have for each other and the extent to which they are prepared to cooperate to achieve their goals will be slight. In others these may be seen as strong. Here the word ‘seen’ is significant – for it may well be that a group is not experienced by its members as particularly co-operative, for example, but they, and those looking on, may believe it to be a social entity, a whole.

In recent years there has been a growing literature around ‘group entitativity’ – the degree to which something appears to be a unified entity. Another way of thinking about this is as the ‘groupness’ of the people you might be observing in a particular situation (Brown 1999). It was Donald T. Campbell (1958) who first used the term entitativity. He argued that when groups become real they possess the characteristics of entities (Forsyth 2006: 15). Campbell based his analysis on explorations into how the mind works when deciding when something is to be approached as a whole (a gestalt or something that cannot be described as the sum of its parts) or ‘a random collection of unrelated elements’ (Forsyth 2006: 15). When looking at people together in particular places (what he calls the ‘aggregate’) Campbell concluded that we depend on three main cues to make judgements about entitativity:

Common fate – the extent to which individuals in the ‘aggregate’ seem to experience the same, or interrelated outcomes.
Similarity – the extent to which the individuals display the same behaviours or resemble one another.
Proximity – the distance among individuals in the ‘aggregate’ (or group). (described in Forsyth 2006: 15)

We might look, thus, at people seated around a table in a caf̩ or bar Рwe look at the extent to which they join in things together e.g. laughing, discussing; whether they acting in a similar way or have something in common e.g. in the way they dress, the things they have with them; and how closely they are sitting together.
Group development

Groups change over time. There is a real sense in which they are living things. They emerge, they exist, and they die. This phenomenon has led to the formulation of a wide range of theoretical models concerning developmental processes. Most commentators assume that groups go through a number of phases or stages if they exist for an extended period. It is clear, for example, that people tend to want to know something about the other members; have to develop a degree of interdependence in order that the group or team may achieve its tasks and be satisfying to its members; and has to learn at some level to deal with conflict if it is to survive. The most influential model of the developmental process – certainly in terms of its impact upon texts aimed at practitioners – has been that of Bruce W. Tuckman (1965). While there are various differences concerning the number of stages and their names – many have adopted a version of Tuckman’s model – forming, storming, norming and performing.

illustration - a cyclical version of Bruce W. Tuckman's group development model

He was later to add a fifth stage – adjourning (Tuckman and Jensen 1977) [all discussed at length in Bruce W. Tuckman – forming, storming norming and performing in groups].
Conclusion

From this brief overview we can see the significance of groups and why it may be important to intervene in them – both to strengthen their potential as sites of mutual aid and communal well-being, and to help them become more fulfilling to their individual members. They are a fundamental part of human experience and play a crucial role both in terms of shaping and influencing individual lives and society itself.

Humans are small group beings. We always have been and we always will be. The ubiquitousness of groups and the inevitability of being in them makes groups one of the most important factors in our lives. As the effectiveness of our groups goes, so goes the quality of our lives.

To ensure that groups are effective, members must be extremely competent in using small group skills. Humans are not born with these skills; they must be developed. (Johnson and Johnson 2003: 579; 581)

Those skills – and the attitudes, orientations and ideas associated with them – are learnt, predominantly, through experiencing group life. They can also be enhanced by the intervention of skilled leaders and facilitators – but that is another story [see working with groups].
Further reading and references

Forsyth, Donelson R. (2006) Group Dynamics 4e [International Student Edition]. Belmont CA.: Thomson Wadsworth Publishing. 682 + xxii pages. Pretty much the standard textbook on groups, it has gone from strength to strength through its four editions.

Johnson, David W. and Frank P. Johnson (2009) Joining Together. Group theory and group skills 10e. Boston: Merrill. 660 + xii pages. Still the best starting point for an exploration of groupwork practice. It begins by providing an overview of group dynamics and experiential learning and then looks at key dimensions of group experience and the role of the leader/facilitator.
References

Allport, F. H. (1924) Social Psychology. Boston: Houghton Mifflin.

Bales, Robert Freed (1950) Interaction Process Analysis: A method for the study of small groups. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Bales, Robert Freed (1999) Social Interaction Systems: Theory and measurement. New Brunswick, NJ.: Transaction.

Baron, Robert S and Norbert L Kerr (2003) Group Process, Group Decision, Group Action. 2e. Buckingham: Open University Press.

Benson, Jarlah. (2000) Working More Creatively with Groups. London: Routledge.

Brown, Rupert (1999) Group processes: Dynamics within and between groups 2e. Oxford: WileyBlackwell.

Campbell, Douglas T. (1958) ‘Common fate, similarity, and other indices of aggregates of persons as social entities’, Behavioral Science 3: 14-25.

Cartwright, Dorwin and Alvin Zander (eds.) (1968) Group dynamics: research and theory 3e. London: Tavistock Publications.

Cooley, C. H. (1909) Social Organization. A study of the larger mind. New York: Scribners.

Deutsch, Morton (1949) ‘A theory of cooperation and competition’, Human Relations 2: 129-152.

Doel, Mark (2005) Using Groupwork. London: Routledge.

Durkheim, Émile (2002) Suicide. London: Routledge. [First published in 1897]

Forsyth, Donelson R. (1990) Group Dynamics 2e. Pacific Grove CA.: Brooks Cole.

Forsyth, Donelson R. (2006) Group Dynamics 4e [International Student Edition]. Belmont CA.: Thomson Wadsworth Publishing.

Hersey Paul and Blanchard, Kenneth (1977) Management of Organizational Behaviour: Utilizing human resources. 3e. Englewood Cliffs, NJ.: Prentice Hall.

Homans, George (1951) The Human Group, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul.

Johnson, David W. and Frank P. Johnson (2003) Joining Together. Group theory and group skills 8e. Boston: Allyn and Bacon.

Le Bon, Gustave (2006) The Crowd. A study of the popular mind. New York: Cosimo Books. [First published in English in 1896].

Lewin, Kurt (1948) Resolving social conflicts; selected papers on group dynamics. Gertrude W. Lewin (ed.). New York: Harper & Row, 1948.

Lewin, Kurt (1951) Field theory in social science; selected theoretical papers. D. Cartwright (ed.). New York: Harper & Row.

Mayo, Elton (1933) The Human Problems of an Industrial Civilization. New York: Macmillan.

McDermott, Fiona (2002) Inside Group Work. A guide to reflective practice. Crows nest NSW.: Allen and Unwin.

Mills, Theodore M. (1967) The Sociology of Small Groups. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall.

Acknowledgements: Acknowledgements: The picture – Circle of friends – is by FredArmitage/flickr Sourced from Flickr and reproduced here under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non-Commercial-No Derivative Works 2.0 Generic licence. https://www.flickr.com/photos/fredarmitage/48405833/


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Teaching History and National Development in the Third World: The Nigerian Experience

Teaching History and National Development in the Third World: The Nigerian Experience
Olusoji Samuel Oyeranmi
University of Ibadan, Nigeria


"History leads the wise man and drags the fool" "1

-G.W.F. Hegel

"If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending, we could better judge what to do and how to do it. "2


Abraham Lincoln

INTRODUCTION

History has been recognized all over the world as a source of enlightenment and development. As a collective memory of the past of a nation, history attempts to bring to the fore the salient and significant part of events that occurred in the past, which could be utilized in building a prosperous national future. This is why every human society, no matter the level of advancement, has placed optimum priority to the bequeathing of a "useable past" from generation to generation. For instance, in ancient cultures every kingdom had its own history laureate whose task it was to remember the past. "3 Modernity has also been influenced greatly by the enhanced production of history. This is assisting nations (who have placed the needed emphasis on historical studies) in their tasks of nation building, promoting national consciousness, the flowering of moral leadership and ensuring overall national development. "4

From the above brief allusion, one can submit that history is an essential instrument for any nation that is desirous of breakthroughs in all human endeavors. Consequently, it has become a serious academic discipline, which attracts the most talented in most developed countries. "5 This is why it is most pathetic that the study of history has been relegated to the background in various schools in Nigeria. This explains why the country remains a crawling giant. More than ever before, ethnic chauvinism has become the major driving force of Nigeria's national polity. Nigerians many times (albeit, with good reasons) have not only queried the basis for nationhood, but also doubted her permanent survival. Indeed, after more than forty-five years of so-called independence, the Nigerian Union, according to Professor Adebayo Adedeji, remains largely "a co-habitation without marriage. "6

I would argue that a major reason why so much violence (physical and psychological), aggression, hatred, poverty, et cetera, dominate the day to day existence of the people in Nigeria is that, collectively, they lack historical consciousness. They tend, indeed, to act or react based on the present situation and care little about the past. It is therefore not surprising that few care about the kind of future to be built for both the people and the nation. Due to the fact that Nigerian statesmen lack a proper sense of history, the politics of the belly and that of the moment dominate the polity. Merit is consequently slaughtered on the slab of power profiteering. With all these vices, development at all levels in Nigeria remains a wild goose chase.

To escape from this seemingly inescapable quagmire, there is an urgent need to imbue Nigerians with an enduring sense of history. As Professor J. F. A. Ajayi once submitted:

The nation suffers which has no sense of history. Its values remain superficial and ephemeral unless imbued with a deep sense of continuity and perception of success and achievement that transcends acquisition of temporary power or transient wealth. Such a nation cannot achieve a sense of purpose or direction or stability and without them the future is bleak "7

It is in the light of this that a study of this nature becomes absolutely imperative as part of the ongoing efforts towards the historical awakening of Nigerians. This essay will, inter-alia, focus on the unbreakable nexus between history and national development; bring out the relevance of this link especially at this era of globalization; analyze what a country like Nigeria in search of her soul and awesome technological breakthrough could gain from such an "unattractive" and non-materialistic" discipline such as history; and lastly, will suggest how Nigerians could be imbued with an enduring and proper sense of history for national development.

HISTORY AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Arguably, Development at all levels (personal or national) in human society is a multi-faceted process. At the level of the individual, it implies multiplied skill and capacity, greater freedom, creativity, self-discipline, responsibility and material well-being. It must however be noted that the achievement of any aspect of personal development is strong tied to the state of the society as a whole. "8At the national level, development will naturally mean the pulling together of the above-stated personal virtues for the benefit and well-being of people within such a nation. More often than not, as Walter Rodney once contended, development is used in an exclusive economic sense ­ the justification being that the type of economy is itself an index of other social features. A society develops economically as its members increase jointly their capacity for dealing with the environment, which of course depends on the extent to which they understand laws of nature (science), on the extent to which they put that understanding into practice by devising tools (technology), and on the manner in which work is organized. "9

I therefore contend that for any nation to develop, the collective spirit of the people must be well nurtured and propagated. Here lies the significance of history. History, in the words Prof. Babatunde Fafunwa is:

To a people what memory is to the individual. A people with no knowledge of their past would suffer from collective amnesia, groping blindly into the future without the guide post of precedence to shape their course "10

Also writing on the intimating interaction between Nation and History, J. F. Ade Ajayi stressed that:

History interacts with the nation. For the nation is a product of history in the sense of historical circumstances and events; and therefore the nation cannot escape from its past. At the same time, the nation is shaped by the effort of historians, among others, who try to establish the history of the nation, influence its group memory and seek to define its nationality-that is, the essence of what binds its people together, what constitutes their identity, what makes them a people distinct from other peoples. "11

Indeed, what historical understanding does essentially for any nation is to place its developmental predicament within rational time perspectives of human evolution. This is the utility value of history. History also helps people not to undervalue what they are and overvalue what they are not. It in turn provides confidence ­ building strategy to any prostrate nation that is striving to grapple with present problems. "12

Development should and must not only be conceived materially. This is because humans are not solely materialistic in nature; they are equally spiritual, artistic and creative beings. Development ipso facto is to my mind twofold. Firstly, it entails concerted efforts at satisfying basic/crucial human needs such as food, shelter and general wellbeing through productivity. Secondly it equips citizens with enduring moral values such as, hard work, honesty, integrity, transparency, justice, and discipline. Indeed, the two are inseparable as a nation full of impoverished people cannot improve its material base and neither can a morally decadent society dream of dazzling development at any level.

A number of erudite scholars have written on the universal/ developmental nature of history, so I will not bore you with repetition of their views. "13 But for the purposes of this essay I will allude to two arguments. First is Socrates' judgment on Pericles- the Famous Athenian statesman. He stated:

The brilliant statesman had enriched and embellished the city, had created protective walls around it, had built ports and dock yards, had launched navies, had eternalized the glory of the city by temples of undying grandeur and beauty, had multiplied in Attica the feasts of arts and reason, but did not occupy himself with the problem of how to make Athenians better men and women. As a result, his work has remained incomplete and his creation caduceus "14

Writing in the same manner, B. O. Oloruntimehin aguishly contended that:
To advocate that studies in the sciences and technology should be pursued to the relative neglect [humiliation] of the humanities and social sciences is to express appetite for the materialism which technology creates rapidly, but without required for the organic growth and stability. Every one of us including the scientist and technologist has to be a citizen. Without the socializing influence of training in the humanities (especially history), the aggregation that we represent as citizens cannot be properly called a nation. A nation that lacks clear self-identity and which is structurally incoherent cannot be strong whatever its wealth and the amount of gadgetry at its disposal. "15

The developmental nature of the historical discipline is further emphasized by the fact that every discipline has its root in history. This makes it virtually impossible for any discipline not to pay attention to its history. Thus, we have the history of science, of medicine, of banking, of engineering, of knowledge, of development, and even the history of history. For example, no rational medical doctor will attend to his or her patient without perusing his or her medical history. For it is within that context that the doctor will appreciate better the patient's ailment and what medication to prescribe.

History, therefore, is a key factor in all disciplines and in the training of minds. Similarly, it is a duty for any nation that is desirous of development in all its ramifications to always delve into its past achievements as well as those of other lands. With this the nation will be able to learn from the past errors, to draw inspiration from worthy past efforts, and to strategize for the future development.

All I have said is not to deny the importance of the acquisition of scientific skills and knowledge. The point of emphasis here is that those skills should be accompanied by appropriate moral values without which the society will return to the Hobbessian state of nature of battle of all against all. History tends to produce thinking men and women who are imbued with curiosity, who will not accept any view hook, line and sinker, who through questioning and reasoning will be able to come to their own conclusion, who have become full of knowledge, and who by that means would be able to contribute to the development of their society. This is the outstanding link between history and national development. But in tangible terms what could any nation in serious search for physical and psychological development (Nigeria for instance) gain from this powerful link? This shall be the next focus of this historical discourse.

 

WHAT COULD NIGERIA GAIN FROM HISTORY

History teaches us that the most fundamental obstacle to national development in Africa is the apparent absence of national integration. And the erosion of NATIONAL CONSCIOUSNESS occasions this. As I have lamented elsewhere, "it is quite disturbing to note that in Africa today, there is no country that is not prone to chaos and anarchy due to so many existing fissiparous tendencies."16 And Nigeria is no exception. With this, politics has permanently become public pains for private gains in Nigeria, as in most parts of Africa. The very few elite constantly exploit the seeming eternal divisions among Nigerians which cut across religion, tribe, sex and politics in their struggle for personal /egoistic socio-economic and political advantages.

In Nigeria as in other Third World Countries, national consciousness, instead of being the all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes of the whole people, instead of being the immediate and most obvious result of the mobilization of the people, has only become an empty shell, and frequently 'the nation' is passed over for race and tribe. "17With all these calamitous cracks in the Nigerian edifice, which of course came into being through the concerted and calculated efforts of the British imperialists and was kept alive by the failure of the national leadership to uproot colonial legacies and initiate enduring developmental strategies, the present retrogressive national effort towards national development becomes discernible. According to Frantz Fanon:

This traditional weakness, which is almost congenital to the national consciousness of under-developed countries, is not solely the result of the mutilation of the colonized people by the colonial regime. It is also the result of the intellectual laziness of the national middle class, of its spiritual penury… "18

With the above, national development also requires the transformation of people's minds, lives, and environment in such a way that will increase national consciousness. In the case of Nigeria, national development includes things as:
Increasing the degree of national consciousness of Nigerians, increasing the degree of acceptance by Nigerians of the central government as the symbol of national unity, increasing the degree of tolerance of one another by Nigerians, increasing the quantity and quality of things that make for good life in the socio-economic sectors. "19

Unfortunately, most of these virtues are either non-existent or their existence is fraught with fraud. Consequently, the influence of ethnic consciousness is still profound on Nigerian politics. Many sincere advocates are still clamoring for a genuine national conference or, better still, a conference for all Nigerian nationalities where people would jaw-jaw on the modalities for national cohesion ­ the surest initiation towards NATIONAL DEVELOPMENT. This no doubt has necessitated a new appraisal of the Nigerian nation.


As it stands today, the Nigerian nation is not yet born. And to my mind it is roundly deceptive to claim (as we do today) to be nationalistic where a nation does not exist. A number of studies on whether Nigeria is a nation or not has been written. "20 But I contend that the historical reality is that the so-called Nigerian nationhood was founded on absolute fraud. Even some of the British colonialists could not hold back the truth about the defects of the Lugardian amalgamation of 1914 that formally inaugurated a nation that was bound to fail. For example, Nicholson, a former colonial Administrator in Nigeria once declared that the most significant thing about the amalgamation was that it never took place. Thus, until Richards's constitution in 1947 (33 years after Amalgamation), the Northern and Southern representatives were not brought together in one legislative chamber. Therefore, the people in the two protectorates remained strangers to one another though co-habiting the same country!


Most importantly, the reality today is that ethnic nationalism often intrudes rudely into 21st century Nigerian politics. This is why, like most new nations, the most challenging issue facing Nigeria today is the establishment of institutional arrangements that can effectively deal with ethnic diversity and allow population groups to co-exist peacefully and productively. With the incessant chaos, disharmony and disunity, the aspiration of the people to evolve into viable nation will remain an effort in futility. The Nigerian situation is almost hopeless, as a recently released United States intelligence report "21 (though bluntly attacked) suggested. The situation is however still amenable if both the leadership and the people can return to the basics, delve deeply into the Nigerian past, draw necessary lessons and take appropriate popular actions.

Every generation must, out of relative obscurity, discover its mission and fulfill or betray it. And the surest way to fulfill Nigeria's developmental mission is for new leadership to break new ground. The foremost action will ultimately mean to extirpate the imperial legacies of political servitude and economic dependency on the mother country (Britain) and other western nations. History has shown that those African leaders (referred to by Fanon as the national bourgeoisie or national middle class) who took over power from the former colonial regimes did not replace those colonial legacies but rather built solidly on them.

They conveniently (due largely to their intellectual and spiritual penury) stepped into the shoes of the former European settlers as doctors, barristers, traders, commercial travelers, general agents, and transport agents. They further insisted that all the big foreign companies should pass through their hands. Hence, "the national middle class discovers its historic missions: that of intermediary. "22

Linking this past inglorious act of the African national leadership to the present predicament Fanon stated further:

Seen through its (national middle class) its mission has nothing to do with transforming the nation. It remains the transmitting line between the nation and the mother camouflaged, which today puts on the masque of Neo colonialism. "23

Before a country can evolve into a nation, defined by Prof. Wole Soyinka as "a unit of humanity with common ideology," it must be ready to shed its entire colonial burden and supplant all its super structures such as law, economy, social structures, and politics with well self-developed structures. It must also develop the brains of its inhabitants by imbuing in them necessary skills and an enduring sense of history, which will establish long-lasting national consciousness. As I have alluded earlier: the living expression of the nation is the moving consciousness of the whole people; it is the coherent, enlightened action of men and women. "24The collective building up of destiny is the assumption of responsibility on the historical scale. Otherwise there is anarchy, repression, and the recrudescence of ethnic nationalism.

The historic place of people as a unit cannot be over-emphasized in the evolution and development of any nation. Recognizing this fact Fanon submits:

The greatest task before us is to understand at each moment what is happening in our country. We ought not to cultivate the exceptional or seek for a hero, who is another form of leader. We ought to uplift the people; we must develop their brains; fill them with ideas; change them into human being."25

All these can be realized by giving the people a dose of political education. Indeed, this is a compulsory pre-condition for the evolution of a viable nation. To educate people politically means opening their minds, awakening them, and allowing the rebirth of their intelligence. It’s also entails trying relentlessly and passionately to teach the masses that everything depends on them; that if we stagnate it is their responsibility, and that if we develop it is due to them too. In summary, to educate the masses politically is to make the totality of the nation a reality to each citizen. It is to make the history of the nation part of the personal experience of each of its citizens."26

History abounds with nations that evolved and developed as the full expression of their citizens. And the commonest denominator of these nations is the exploitation and utilization of their cultural history. As a result of this unity of purpose, the nation’s then evolve as human communities which, when the chips are down, collectively command the loyalty of the people over the claims of lesser communities within it. As it has been established earlier, all nations are products of their past and there is no way they can move forward without taking into consideration their history and their peculiar circumstances. This is the debt all nations that seek peace, stability, and development owe to the past."27 This is because history provides the foundation on which the development of each nation is built. This explains why most developed countries in the world ensure that the discipline of history does not suffer decline and continues to retain its pride of place in their universities. More importantly, history has always been used to provide political education for leadership elites in such societies. Each nation then develops its own historiography, which is essentially nationalistic."28

This is true of British historiography as well as American historiography, Chinese historiography, French historiography, Russian historiography, Japanese historiography, and German historiography. American historiography, for instance, lauds the virtues of American institutions in impregnating Americans with the notion that to be an American is the greatest blessing God can confer on a human being."29 This aspect of history can be carried to an extreme, such as was done by Benito Mussolini and Adolph Hitler before and during WWII and George Walker Bush in the demolition of Iraq. The abuse of history is always a possibility especially during bitter contests among nations. It must however be mentioned that leaders not only exploit national feeling during crises but also during peace, especially in their collective efforts towards national development. What is clear in all this is that history is deliberately utilized for nation building. This, I strongly believe, is the major difference between the advanced nations and those that are still in their embryonic stage such as Nigeria."30

IMBUING THE PEOPLE OF NIGERIA WITH AN ENDURING SENSE OF HISTORY

The past of the people of Nigeria, like most of their African kith and kin, has placed an almost inescapable burden on them. This ugly past is characterized with successive evils ­ four hundred years of slavery and slave trade; several centuries of imperialism / colonialism; and continuing neo-colonialism. And according to EH Carr, "the past which a historian studies is not a dead past, but a past which in a sense is still living in the present."31 This naturally translates to the fact that for the people to solve the present multifaceted developmental problems bedeviling the country, the past must always be involved. This is essential because "… if men of the future are ever to break the chains of the present, they will have to understand the forces that forged them."32 To achieve this, the people must be well endowed with historical knowledge which is based on recollection, retrieval, and the reconstruction of their past. This is rooted in the fact that time past is part of time present and time present is part of time future. In other words, human society is one long continuum and to appreciate the present, one must know what happened in the past.33

It must be mentioned at this juncture that at the formative stages of modern African countries (Nigeria inclusive), history was an important factor in efforts towards national development. Indeed, some western commentators described the Ibadan school of History as a nationalist reaction to people like Trevor Roper and others who said Africa had no history. In acknowledgement of this outstanding nationalistic role, Prof. Niyi Osundare recently opined that:

The Ibadan School of History re-invented African history and African Historiography and shamed the racist notion that humanity's oldest continent was a place without a past. University of Ibadan became the Mecca for scholars of African History all over the world."34

This great school, together with very negligible percentage of Western Africanists who were more objective, began through a series of studies and writings to establish African History as a worthy part of universal scholasticism. Their writings equally provided early nationalists with not only a psychological power boost but also gave them much-needed inspiration in their struggle for political independence. Regrettably, the party did not last for long. As the Irish poet once lamented, things have changed, and changed utterly. "35Since independence, the Ibadan school of History, just like its parent the University of Ibadan, has remained shadow of its old self. As a result, the school lost the opportunity of continuing to inspire the task of nation building of Nigeria.

The problems of African historiography, Nigerian history, and particularly "the Ibadan school of history" have been subjected to in-depth intellectual scrutiny for a long time. So, rather than discussing these problems again, I will attempt to bring out new insights towards making history more relevant in Nigeria and to suggest ways to imbue her inhabitants with sense of national consciousness.

Recommendations and Suggestions

While lamenting the languishing level of the University of Ibadan, Professor Niyi Osundare submitted:

Today, our university and the evil system that has brought it to its knees need nothing but the sharp edge of excoriative word; nothing but the truth whose sharpness heals like the surgical knife "36.

Nothing short of this could rescue the visibly enfeebled discipline of history in Nigeria from imminent extinction and equally catapult history back in to national consciousness for overall development. To my mind, there are two angles to this issue, namely the Historians and Government's angles. "37

In terms of the Historians, it is necessary for history to return to its pride of place as prime motivator of national consciousness and as the bedrock of all humanities in Nigeria, and to do that Nigerian historians must braze up and chart a new course for the once ennobled discipline. One of the best ways to achieve is to stop talking and writing about the discipline of history as if it is a human being. This personification should give way to the returning of Nigerian people to their rightful place as the makers of their own history. "38This is embedded in the fact that it is humans who makes history and not vice versa, as Karl Marx once argued:

History does nothing, it does not possess immense riches, it does not fight battles. It is real living men who do all this, who possess things and fight battles. It is not "history" which uses men as means of achieving as if it were an individual person its own ends."39

As a corollary to reviving the historical discipline from its present doldrums, there must be a historical reawakening which would be championed by Nigerian historians. This must start from the minds and mouths of the Nigerian historians through constant self-criticism, for "if we could first know where we are and whither we are tending we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. "40

For instance, a critical evaluation of the history of the "Ibadan school of history" (where it all started) which is currently enmeshed in decay reveals that the school was in the past the pride of the Nation. Ever since, the seeds of discord that are currently dividing Nigerian historians have been sown. Ever since, the atrocious tradition of using history as means of achieving personal ends and later dumping it has firmly taken root.

Ever since, the idea of diverting books, funds, scholarship / fellowship opportunities (especially international ones) meant for the development of the department, has been on course. Ever since, the system of exploitation of the junior colleagues, students (especially post-graduate) by senior colleagues who are too busy and too big to carry out research or to teach but have the time to pursue private contracts, international fellowships, and political appointments has been operational.

Ever since, the anti-intellectual idea of either fencing out the best brains or frustrating the ones within the system to the point of paralysis has been within the tradition. This clearly explains the current catastrophic dwarfism in historical scholarship in Nigeria.

The problem is not that the school has problems: the real problem is that many people in the school are not aware of those problems and the few who are are seeking sanctuary in hazy sloganeering. "41For this ugly trend to change, if the future will be great once again for both Nigerian history and historians, they must all stand up for the truth and break the yoke of tradition. One of the best ways to avoid this complicity is to stop being panegyricians or propagandists or mere chroniclers. Historians need to bring out the real lessons of history to Nigerians. The basic historical fact about Nigeria (no matter the distortions and exaltations) is that the country is not yet a nation even after forty­five years of the much touted political or flag lowering independence.

Consequently, the first and the most important work for Nigerians is to collaborate assiduously with other concerned groups on how to ensure the evolution of the Nigerian nation state where people will live first as Nigerians before remembering their ethnic affiliations. "42To achieve this two things become absolutely imperative ­ ideological and cultural revolutions, as Prof. E, A. Ayandele once admonished:

Fellow craftsmen of historical scholarship, it is our duty to convince the governments of the Federal Republic of Nigeria to take two steps as a matter of utmost urgency. Firstly, they should be told that a Nigerian nation not built on upon the cultural heritage and spiritual values of the peoples of Nigeria is necessarily a RICKETY EDIFICE; that a "development" that is primarily technological and economic, with the concomitant unregulated pulverizing Westernism; inexorably inflicts cultural hemorrhage upon the nation and constitutes a terrible homicide; that such a nation is spiritually void, possessing no soul of its own… "43

This assertion, made twenty-six years ago, is more real today than when it was rendered. Governments must be told to revise and reverse their concept of development to a more fundamentally human-centered concept. To achieve this end, a new invigorated humanistic study of how a real Nigerian nation could evolve must be initiated and the present endangered historical studies must be the arrowhead. With this a movement towards the re-invention and rewriting of Nigerian history will be initiated in order to build a sense of belonging in the people.

The government's side of the sad story is quite understandable. As it has been established earlier in this essay, the so-called early Nigerian nationalists (as in most Third World countries) actually acted like the scions of colonial agents ­ heirs apparent to the throne vacated by the erstwhile colonialists. Indeed, they fought tooth and nail for the colonial leftovers; with this, all the legacies of the colonial rule were not only left untouched but were built upon by these short-sighted leaders. One such legacy is the deliberate distortion and devaluation of Nigerian history both as an academic discipline and as a tool for national development. As a result "The apotheosis of independence is transformed into the curse of independence. "44Thus, the colonial power—through its immense resources and the continuous installation of their stooges as leaders—condemns the evolving Nigerian state to permanent regression and the development of underdevelopment.

Nigerian unity thus descended rapidly to what Fanon called a vague formula, "45 and yet the people were passionately attached to it especially during their struggle for political independence. No sooner than this vague freedom was attained, this unity crumbled into regionalism inside the hollow shell of nationality itself. Ever since, the national leadership has remained unpardonably egoistic and outrageously irresponsive to the plight of average citizens. With the neglect of history, the leadership simply proved to be incapable of forging national unity or building up a truly viable Nigerian nation within stable and productive parameters. The National Front, which forced colonialism to withdraw, cracked up and wasted the victory it had gained. This aggressive anxiety among the early nationalist to occupy the posts left vacant by the departure of the foreigners have left scars of violence on both religious and tribal lines, and further explains why violence still constantly features in the people's day to day existence. "46

If Nigerian leaders in the past were guilty of tinkering with history to such an extent that transformation of the nation became impossible, the present crop of leaders are guilty of utilizing facts of history not only to distort Nigerian history but also to keep the country permanently a creeping giant.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, one must avoid the tactical error of concluding that the inability of people to draw serious lessons from history is peculiar to Nigeria. In the words of Georg Hegel: What experience and history teach is this, that nations and governments have never learned anything from history or acted upon any lessons they might have drawn from it. "47

Though many may disagree with this Hegelian philosophy of life, few will disagree with the historical fact that people do seem to have severe difficulty learning anything form history. As regards Nigeria, which is the focus of this essay, my last words will be in form of admonition to Nigerian historians: they must break away from their current inhibiting factors and work in alliance with other sincere scholars with similar ideas and intentions to dismantle the present leadership of the country and chart a new course for the emergence of new leadership. This task is not going to be easy but is definitely not impossible. Failure to do so will continue to tame not only the historical discipline but also national development.

Biographical Note: Olusoji Oyernanmi is a doctoral candidate in History at the University of Ibadan in Ibadan, Nigeria. He is also an associate lecture in History at Ibadan University and at Olabisi Onabanjo University in Ago Iwoye. He teaches and researches in the fields of African historiography, developmental history, diplomatic history, and urban, environmental, and economic history.

Endotes

1 See G.W.F. Hegel, Lectures on the Philosophy of World History, translated by H. B. Nisbet with an introduction by Duncan Forbes. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1975).

2 Carl Sandburg, Abraham Lincoln; The Prairie Years and The War Years. (New York, Dell Publishing Co.Incorporation, 1939), 13.

3 In every literate society, from the earliest times till now, there are professional historians whose responsibility is to remember and keep records of the most important happenings of the past. This is also the same in preliterate societies: for example we have the "griots" of Western Sudan; "Kwadwom" Singers of Asante; the "Arokin" of Oyo and many other specially trained traditional historians. But the difference lies in the fact that while the former relied on written evidence the latter, due to the absence of writing, depended solely on oral evidences.

4 See "The Place of History in National Development" a lecture delivered by Prof. Jide Osuntokun at a conference of History Teachers Association of Nigerian Colleges of Education at Oyo state College of Education, Oyo on Monday, 10/3/2002, p. 2.

5. See the contribution of Prof. Adebayo Adedeji, "The Nigerian Nation State. Cohabitation without Marriage?" in Olufemi Eperokun (eds), Nigeria's Bumpy Ride into 21st Century. (Ibadan, The House of Lords Nigeria, 1999), 148.

6. J. F. A. Ajayi, History and The Nation and Other Addresses. (Ibadan, Spectrum Books Ltd.), 41.

7. For Full Details on Discourse on Development and Underdevelopment in Africa see Walter Rodney, How Europe underdeveloped Africa (London: Bogle ­ L Ouverture Publishers, 1986), 9 ­ 39.

8. For instance, see E. H. Carr, What is History? (Hardmonsworths, Middlesex, Penguin Books 1961); Lord Acton, "Inaugural Lecture on the study of History" delivered at Cambridge, June 1985; Fritz Stern (ed): The Varieties of history: from Voltaire to The Present. (London, Macmillan and Co Ltd. 1970); Arthur Marwick (ed), The Nature of History. (London, Macmillan, 1976); B. Olatunji Oloruntimehin, History and Society, University of Ife inaugural lecture series, 1976; Bassey W. Andah "In Search of Traditional African History," keynote address at the 28th Annual Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria at Ilorin, 2nd March 1983.

9. Quoted from "The Debt we owe the past" a lecture delivered by Prof. G. O. Olusanya at the 1st Eminent lecture series organized by the students' Historical society of Nigeria, University of Ibadan on 28th October 1998, pp. 2 -3.

10. For details on the authenticity or otherwise of the "Nigerian Nation" See Michael Crowder, The Story of Nigeria (London: Faber and Faber, 1972); B. J. Dudley, Politics and Crisis in Nigeria. (Ibadan: Ibadan University Press, 1973); H. C. Bretton, Power and stability in Nigeria: The Politics of decolonization. (New York: Nok Publishers, 1962); J. F. A. Ajayi, Milestones in Nigerian History. (Ibadan: Longman, 1980); Obaro Ikime, In Search of Nigerians changing patterns of inter-group relations in an evolving nation-state. (Nsukka: Impact Publishers, 1985); Ojukwu Emeka, Because I am involved, Ibadan. (Spectrum Books, 1989): Oshun Olawale, Clapping with one hand: June 12 and the crisis of a State- nation. (London: Jose Publishers, 1999)

11. Dare Babarinsa, House of War: the story of Awo's followers and The Collapse of the Second Republic. (Ibadan and Lagos: Spectrum Books and Tell Communications, Ltd., 2003),12; The Historia: A Journal of the Student's Historical Society of Ibadan, University of Ibadan Chapter, 1999, 4; and John M. Mabaku et al, Ethnicity and Governance in The Third World. (London: Ashgate Publishing, 2001) 2.

12. This intelligence report was widely reported by both foreign and local media in Nigeria but the current writer obtained his fact from the United States embassy in Nigeria official website: http://abuja.usembassy.gov on June 22, 2006.